Archive for the ‘Misc’ Category

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December 3, 2012 Leave a comment

Change is a continuum everywhere and at all times. Change begets change, and so is in perpetual motion.

All of us experience change in our lives. Change is the one constant in our lives. There are changes that we look forward to and change that we fear. However, one thing is for sure. Things will not stay the same no matter how much we would like them too. When a life change occurs, we have two choices in how to respond. We can despair that a change has come and assume that things will be worse, or we can look with excitement at the new possibilities that the change presents.

At PG Times, we are committed to provide you the very best. Hence we have launched our new blog to make the reading experience even more pleasing for you.

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Categories: Misc

GDMOs / Specialist Doctor / Dental Surgeon / Dentist Jobs in MCD Delhi 2012

December 1, 2012 Leave a comment

East Delhi Municipal Corporation MCD Delhi has invited candidates for Walk in Interview for filling the General Duty Medical Officer / GDMOs / Specialist Doctor / Dentist / Dental Doctor vacancies.Interested Doctors may appear for the Interview as follows –

  • General Duty Medical Officer / GDMOs – 14 posts,Qualification – MBBS,Upper Age Limit – 30 years,Pay Scale – Rs. 45277
  • Dental Surgeon / Dentist – 03 posts,Qualification – BDS,Upper Age Limit – 30 years,Pay Scale – Rs. 45277
  • Specialist Doctor – 02 posts (Anaesthesia – 01 / ENT – 01),Qualification – PG Degree / Diploma in concerned speciality,Upper Age Limit – 32 years,Pay Scale – Rs. 47632

Selection Process – Candidates will be selected based on  the performance in the Interview
How to Apply – Those candidates who are interested need to appear for interview at interview venue on the date of Interview.
Venue of Interview – Office of DHA,East Delhi Municipal Corporation,Plot No. – 419,Udyog Sadan,Patparganj Industerial Area,Delhi – 110 092
Interview Date  – Dec 03,2012 (For GDMOs) & Dec 04,2012 (For Dental / Specialist)

For detailed information & application form go to he following link –

Categories: Misc

Why I can’t pay tribute to Thackeray

November 21, 2012 Leave a comment

By Justice Markandey Katju (Chairman, Press Council of India, and former Judge, Supreme Court of India)

His bhumiputra theory flies in the face of our Constitution and works against the unity needed to ensure development.

Muppadhu kodi mugamudayal
Enil maipuram ondrudayal
Ival Seppumozhi padhinetudayal
Enil Sindhanai ondrudayal
(This Bharatmata has 30 crore faces
But her body is one
She speaks 18 languages
But her thought is one)

– Tamil poet Subramania Bharathi

Bhedad gana vinauyanti bhinnah supajapah paraih
Tasmat samghatayogesu prayateran ganah sada
(Republics have been destroyed because of internal divisions among the people;
Hence a republic should always strive to achieve unity and good relations among the people)
– Mahabharat, Shanti Parva, chapter 108, shloka 14
Tesam anyonyabhinnanam svauaktim anutisthatam
Nigrahah panditaih karyah ksipram eva pradhanatah
(Therefore the wise authorities should crush the separatist forces trying to assert their strength)
– Mahabharat, Shanti Parva, 108:26
Political leaders, film stars, cricketers, etc. are all falling over one another to pay tribute to the late Bal Thackeray. Amidst this plethora of accolades and plaudits pouring in from the high and mighty, I humbly wish to register my vote of dissent.
I know of the maxim De mortuis nil nisi bonum (of the dead speak only good), but I regret I cannot, since I regard the interest of my country above observance of civil proprieties.
What is Bal Thackeray’s legacy?
It is the anti-national ‘sons of the soil’ (bhumiputra) theory.
Article 1(1) of the Indian Constitution states: “India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States.”
Thus, India is not a confederation but a union.
Article 19 (1) (e) states: “All citizens shall have the right — to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India.”
Thus, it is a fundamental right of a Gujarati, south Indian, Bihari, U.P.ite, or person from any other part of India to migrate to Maharashtra and settle down there, just as it is of Maharashtrians to settle down in any part of India (though there are some restrictions in J&K, and some North-East States, due to historical reasons).
The bhumiputra theory states that Maharashtra essentially belongs to Marathi people, while Gujaratis, south Indians, north Indians, etc. are outsiders. This is in the teeth of Articles 1(1) and 19(1)(e) of the Constitution. India is one nation, and hence non-Maharashtrians cannot be treated as outsiders in Maharashtra.
The Shiv Sena created by Thackeray attacked south Indians in the 1960s and 70s, and vandalised their restaurants and homes. In 2008, Biharis and U.P.ites living in Mumbai (the bhaiyyas who eke out a livelihood as milk and newspaper vendors, taxi drivers etc.) were described as infiltrators and attacked, their taxis smashed, and several beaten up. Muslims were also vilified.
This, of course, created a vote bank for Thackeray based on hatred (as had Hitler, of whom Thackeray was an admirer), and how does it matter if the country breaks up and is Balkanised?
Apart from the objection to the ‘sons of the soil’ theory for being anti-national and unconstitutional, there is an even more basic objection, which may rebound on Thackeray’s own people.
India is broadly a country of immigrants (like North America) and 92-93 per cent of the people living in India today are not the original inhabitants but descendants of immigrants who came mainly from the north-west seeking a comfortable life in the sub-continent (see the article ‘What is India?’ on my blog and the video on the website ).
The original inhabitants (the real bhumiputra) of India are the pre-Dravidian tribals, known as Adivasis (the Bhils, Gonds, Santhals, Todas, etc.) who are only 7-8 per cent of our population today.
Hence if the bhumiputra theory is seriously implemented, 92-93 per cent of Maharashtrians (including, perhaps, the Thackeray family) may have to be regarded as outsiders and treated accordingly. The only real bhumiputra in Maharashtra are the Bhils and other tribals, who are only 7-8 per cent of the population of Maharashtra.
Several separatist and fissiparous forces are at work in India today (including the bhumiputra theory). All patriotic people must combat these forces.
Why must we remain united? We must remain united because only a massive modern industry can generate the huge wealth we require for the welfare of our people — agriculture alone cannot do this — and modern industry requires a huge market. Only a united India can provide the huge market for the modern industry we must create to abolish poverty, unemployment and other social evils, and to provide for the huge health care and modern education systems we must set up if we wish to come to the front ranks of the most advanced countries.
Hence I regret I cannot pay any tribute to Mr Bal Thackeray.
Categories: Misc

A troubling legacy

November 21, 2012 Leave a comment

Like all those who mobilise on the basis of ethnicity and religion, Bal Thackeray fashioned the Shiv Sena’s formidable clout out of political building blocks that were base and primordial. The language of hate and, when needed, violence were deployed to generate fear and insecurity, pride and solidarity. The founder-leader of the Shiv Sena first invoked Maratha pride against the State’s linguistic minorities and then the divisive agenda of Hindutva against religious minorities. Mumbai’s jobless were not offered land or employment, but they were taught whom to blame for all their miseries: the south Indians, the Gujaratis, and the Muslims. As a strategy of political mobilisation, this worked wonderfully well. The Sena’s brand of collective identity and the use of lumpens in direct action displaced trade unionism as the organising principle in political bargaining. Thackeray’s legion of followers raised him to the status of a demigod who could force an entire State to shut down with the mere threat of violence. Of course, the Sena leader did not gather strength overnight. From his days as a caricaturist, he perfected the art of lampooning political rivals, and drew crowds with his acerbic oratorical skills. Like Hitler, whom he admired, Thackeray knew how to command loyalty and inflame passions. Every failing of his opponents added to his muscle power. Although the Sena took time to grow into a political force, and come to power with the help of the Bharatiya Janata Party, in another sense, it was a rapid political success, inspiring organisational fear in opponent parties, and proving to be of political use to the powerful and the moneyed classes.

But the Shiv Sena’s success came at a great price for not only Mumbai and Maharashtra, but India as well. Mumbai’s communal fault lines were thoroughly exploited by Thackeray and his Sainiks, especially in the weeks after the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992. As the Srikrishna Commission documents, Muslims were systematically killed in riots engineered by Sena leaders. The brazen anti-minorityism of the Sena fed the BJP’s agenda in other parts of India too. Other States in India have seen the rise of regional parties, which too have invoked regional and linguistic pride in their political mobilisation. But none of these parties displays the unreconstructed chauvinism of the Sena. Ironically the one outfit to rival its methods and approach is the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, which broke away from Bal Thackeray in 2006. Even as people in Mumbai and Maharashtra mourn the passing of the patriarch, they ought to reflect on the manner in which his sectarian politics diminished the great city and State and demand of his legatees a change of course.

Categories: Misc

An authentic Indian fascism

November 20, 2012 Leave a comment

The Shiv Sena chief gave voice to a Nazi impulse in Indian politics — one that poses an ever-growing threat to our Republic.

“Fascism”, wrote the great Marxist intellectual Antonio Gramsci, in a treatise Balasaheb Keshav Thackeray likely never read but demonstrated a robust grasp of through his lifetime, “has presented itself as the anti-party; has opened its gates to all applicants; has with its promise of impunity enabled a formless multitude to cover over the savage outpourings of passions, hatreds and desires with a varnish of vague and nebulous political ideals. Fascism has thus become a question of social mores: it has become identified with the barbaric and anti-social psychology of certain strata of the Italian people which have not yet been modified by a new tradition, by education, by living together in a well-ordered and well-administered state”.

Ever since Thackeray’s passing, many of India’s most influential voices have joined in the kind of lamentation normally reserved for saints and movie stars. Ajay Devgn described him as “a man of vision”; Ram Gopal Varma as “the true epitome of power”. Amitabh Bachchan “admired his grit”; Lata Mangeshkar felt “orphaned”. Even President Pranab Mukherjee felt compelled to describe Thackeray’s death as an “irreparable loss”. The harshest word grovelling television reporters seemed able to summon was “divisive”.

It is tempting to attribute this nauseous chorus to fear or obsequiousness. Yet, there is a deeper pathology at work. In 1967, Thackeray told the newspaper Navakal: “It is a Hitler that is needed in India today”. This is the legacy India’s reliably anti-republican elite has joined in mourning.

Thackeray will be remembered for many things, including the savage communal violence of 1992-1993. He was not, however, the inventor of such mass killing, nor its most able practitioner. Instead, Thackeray’s genius was giving shape to an authentically Indian Fascism.

His fascism was a utopian enterprise — but not in the commonly-understood sense. The Left, a powerful force in the world where Thackeray’s project was born, held out the prospect of a new, egalitarian world. The Congress held the keys to a more mundane, but perhaps more real, earthly paradise: the small-time municipal racket; even the greater ones that led to apartments on Marine Drive. Thackeray’s Shiv Sena wore many veneers: in its time, it was anti-south Indian, anti-north Indian, anti-Muslim. It offered no kind of paradise, though. It seduced mainly by promising the opportunity to kick someone’s head in.

Nostalgic accounts of Mumbai in the 1960s and 1970s represent it as a cultural melting pot; a place of opportunity. It was also a living hell. Half of Mumbai’s population, S. Geetha and Madhura Swaminathan recorded in 1995, is packed into slums that occupy only 6 per cent of its land-area. Three-quarters of girls, and more than two-thirds of boys, are undernourished. Three-quarters of the city’s formal housing stock, Mike Davies has noted, consisted of one-room tenements where households of six people or more were crammed “in 15 square meters; the latrine is usually shared with six other families”.

From the 1970s, Girangaon — Mumbai’s “village of factories” — entered a state of terminal decline, further aiding the Sena project. In 1982, when trade union leader Datta Samant led the great textile strike, over 240,000 people worked in Girangaon. Inside of a decade, few of them had jobs. The land on which the mills stood had become fabulously expensive, and owners simply allowed their enterprises to turn terminally ill until the government allowed them to sell.

Thackeray mined gold in these sewers — building a politics that gave voice to the rage of educated young men without prospects, and offering violence as liberation. It mattered little to the rank and file Shiv Sena cadre precisely who the targets of their rage were: south Indian and Gujarati small-business owners; Left-wing trade union activists; Muslims; north Indian economic migrants.

The intimate relationship between Mr. Bachchan and Thackeray is thus no surprise. In the 1975 Yash Chopra-directed hit Deewar, Mr. Bachchan rejects his trade-union heritage, and rebels by turning to crime. He is killed, in the end, by his good-cop brother. The Shiv Sena was a product of precisely this zeitgeist; its recruits cheered, like so many other young Indians, for the Bad Mr. Bachchan.

Like the mafia of Dawood Ibrahim Kaskar — which, it ought to be remembered, flourished in the same Mumbai — the Sena offered patronage, profit and power. Its core business, though, was the provision of masculinity. There are no great Sena-run schools, hospitals or charities; good works were not part of its language.

The fascist threat

Fascism, Gramsci understood, was the excrement of a dysfunctional polity: its consequence, not its cause. Liberal India’s great failure has been its effort to seek accommodation with fascism: neither Thackeray’s movie-industry fans, nor Mr. Mukherjee are, after all, ideological reactionaries. The Congress, the epicentre of liberal Indian political culture, has consistently compromised with communalism; indeed, it is no coincidence that it benignly presided over Thackeray’s rise, all the way to carnage in 1992-1993 and after.

This historic failure has been mitigated by the country’s enormous diversity. The fascisms of Thackeray, of Kashmiri Islamists, of Khalistanis, of Bihar’s Ranvir Sena: all these remained provincial, or municipal. Even the great rise of Hindutva fascism in 1992-1993 eventually crashed in the face of Indian electoral diversity.

Yet, we cannot take this success for granted. Fascism is a politics of the young: it is no coincidence that Thackeray, until almost the end, dyed his hair and wore make-up to conceal his wrinkles. From now until 2026, youth populations will continue to rise in some of India’s most fragile polities — among them, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Maharashtra, and Jammu & Kashmir.

In a path-breaking 1968 essay, Herbert Moller noted how the emergence of children born between 1900 and 1914 on the job market — “a cohort”, he noted, “more numerous than any earlier ones” — helped propel the Nazi rise in Germany. Historian Paul Madden, in a 1983 study of the early membership of the Nazi party, found that it “was a young, overwhelmingly masculine movement which drew a disproportionately large percentage of its membership from the lower middle class and from the Mittelstand [small businesses]”.

For years now, as economic change has made it ever-harder for masses of people to build lives of dignity and civic participation, we have seen the inexorable rise of an as-yet inchoate youth reaction. From the gangs of violent predators who have raped women in Haryana, to the young Hindu and Muslim bigots who have spearheaded the recent waves of communal violence, street politics is ever more driven by a dysfunctional masculinity. Thackeray’s successes in tapping this generation’s rage will, without doubt, be drawn on in years to come by other purveyors of violence.

India desperately needs a political project that makes possible another, progressive masculinity, built around new visions for everything from culture, the family and economic justice. No vanguard for such a project, though, is yet in sight.


Categories: Misc

‘Mumbai shuts down due to fear, not respect’

November 20, 2012 Leave a comment

Two young women were arrested here on Monday on charges of “promoting enmity between classes” and “sending offensive messages through [a] communication service,” after one posted, and the other ‘liked,’ a message on Facebook on Sunday, questioning the Mumbai bandh that followed Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray’s death. Both of them were released on bail by a local court on Monday afternoon.

With all respect, every day, thousands of people die, but still the world moves on,” read the message posted by 21-year old Shaheen Dhada and ‘liked’ by 20-year old Renu Srinivasan from Palghar in the neighbouring Thane district, her lawyer Sudheer Gupta told The Hindu. The post continued: “Just due to one politician died a natural death, everyone just goes bonkers. They should know, we are resilient by force, not by choice. When was the last time, did anyone showed some respect or even a two-minute silence for Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Azad, Sukhdev or any of the people because of whom we are free-living Indians? Respect is earned, given, and definitely not forced. Today, Mumbai shuts down due to fear, not due to respect.

Following public outcry over what has been widely condemned as an attack on the constitutionally guaranteed right of free speech and expression — among others, Press Council of India chairperson Markandey Katju said the arrests were illegal and demanded action against the police — Maharashtra Director-General of Police Sanjeev Dayal ordered a probe into their arrest.

The women were earlier booked for hurting religious sentiments under Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code, along with Section 66A of the Information Technology Act. On investigation, the police altered the charges, withdrawing Section 295(A). They were formally arrested on Monday morning and later released on bail by a local court on a bond of Rs.15,000.

“On investigation, we withdrew Section 295(A) and booked them under Section 505(2) [of the Indian Penal Code],” Sangramsinh Nishandar, Additional Superintendent of Police, Thane Rural, told The Hindu. Section 505(2) pertains to statements which create or promote enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes.

On Sunday night, mobs of angry Shiv Sainiks ransacked an orthopaedic hospital run by Ms. Dhada’s uncle at Palghar after they came to know of her comment on Facebook. Dr. Abdul Dhada has registered a First Information Report (FIR) in Palghar police station.

“There was some misunderstanding. Something was quoted by my younger brother’s daughter on Facebook. The Shiv Sainiks were unhappy about it. So yesterday [Sunday] night, they ransacked my hospital. But I would not like to talk about it any further as the matter is being resolved now,” Dr. Abdul Dhada told The Hindu from Palghar.

A request to speak with Ms. Dhada, who is a Bachelor of Management Studies, was refused. “She is traumatised. She is not in a frame of mind. It is not possible to talk to her right now,” he said.

But Shaheen’s Facebook page reflected her agony and anger, as her recently-changed profile picture showed a girl’s face whose voice has been muzzled by a tape sealing her mouth.

Her uncle said she had merely reposted the message someone had forwarded to her on Sunday. After she posted it, her friend Renu, a B.Sc (Botany) graduate, ‘liked’ it.

“She had not mentioned Balasaheb Thackeray’s name anywhere. But some Shiv Sena supporters who came to know about the post got angry and ransacked the hospital of Dr. Abdul Dhada,” Mr. Nishandar said.

The head of the Palghar unit of the Shiv Sena, Bhushan Anant Sankhe, filed an FIR against the two women at the Palghar station, even as a mob of Shiv Sainiks gathered there. Another mob of 80-100 Shiv Sainiks surrounded Dr. Dhada’s hospital and pelted it with stones. Police said the mobs broke glass and toppled beds in the hospital.

A case has been registered against 40-50 “unknown persons” under Sections 143, 147, 336, 427, 451 of the Indian Penal Code; Sections 3, 7 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act and Section 4 of the Maharashtra Medicare Service Persons and Medicare Service Institution (Prevention of Violence, Damage or Loss of Property) Act.

“The girl’s uncle [Dr. Abdul Dhada] received a call from the police on Sunday evening saying that his niece had posted some objectionable comment on Facebook. The police apparently asked him to tell her to withdraw it. Accordingly, the girl deleted her comment and tendered an apology saying that she did not do it with the intention of hurting anyone’s sentiments. Around 8.30, Dr. Dhada got a call from the hospital informing him that mobs were ransacking his hospital,” Mr. Gupta said.

Sources said that though the women were formally shown as arrested on Monday morning around 10.30, they were sent to the police station by the families on Sunday night itself. The FIR was registered against them at 9 p.m. on Sunday. They were produced before the court at 3 p.m. on Monday

Meanwhile, Mr. Sanjeev Dayal said he had directed the Inspector-General of Police of the Konkan Range to investigate the matter and submit a report by Saturday.

Online protests

Social media platforms were abuzz with support for the two women and anger against the arbitrary police action. Some reposted the message that Ms. Shaheen had posted on her wall, and offered to court arrest. Others offered legal aid to Ms. Dhada and Ms. Srinivasan.

“People like Thackeray are born and die daily and one should not observe a bandh for that” — Shaheen got arrested for posting this. Let’s post this on our wall, and let them arrest us too,” Divya Rajagopal posted on Facebook.

“If anyone knows the girl arrested for posting a comment on Facebook, ask them to contact me! Would love to help them filing a case in SC,” media professional Sumit Nagpal posted on Twitter.

Shaheen and Renu outside the Palghar court on Monday. Photo: Special Arrangement

Categories: Misc

Homemakers likely to get monthly salary from husbands soon

September 9, 2012 Leave a comment
Homemakers likely to get monthly salary from husbands soon
New Delhi:  Housewives may soon start getting monthly salaries from their husbands with the government mulling a proposal which would make it mandatory for men to share a certain percentage of their income with their wives who stay back and do household chores.

The proposal is being considered by Women and Child Development (WCD) ministry for socio-economic empowerment of homemakers.

“We have got a survey conducted on this theme and are planning to hold more consultations about this plan, which at present is in consultation stage… Whenever we ask housewives what they do, most of them say they do nothing. So we feel that a mechanism can be devised to quantify and calculate the value of work that they do for their families. It will give a more socially empowered identity to these women,” WCD minister Krishna Tirath told PTI.

She said the idea, mooted by some NGOs, would also be discussed in a meeting to be held with ministers of different states on September 17-18.

“The work that women do at home is also economic activity but it goes unaccounted. If children are sent to a creche, then money has to be spent. If somebody from outside does cooking or any other work, money has to be spent. And the quality of work of homemakers cannot even be compared with others,” Mr Tirath said.

The minister said if a portion of a husband’s income is allocated as wife’s share, it is likely to be spent on better food for children, on their education and the overall quality of standard of living of that household.

“Working in homes is economic activity and if this is recognised, it will give us a truer reflection of what the GDP of our country is. It will also help us know more accurate figure of the rate of real unemployment in the country,” Mr Tirath said.

Categories: Misc
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